Barry: Poetry Wars
 
 

Andrew Duncan is the author of several poetry collections, the latest being Savage Survivals amid modern suavity (Shearsman Books). His critical work includes The Failure of Conservatism in Modern British Poetry (Salt), Centre and Periphery in Modern British Poetry (Liverpool University Press) and the forthcoming Origins of the Underground and Don't Start Me Talking (interviews, edited with Tim Allen; both books from Salt). He also co-edits the magazine Angel Exhaust.

 

 

 



Out of the crypt and Into the vaults
Peter Barry
: Poetry Wars
(Salt Publishing, Cambridge, 2006; paperback, 276pp, £16.99 / US$26.95; isbn 9781844712472)

Parahistory can be partly recovered by the disclosure of previously repressed records. Deep history must attempt to reconstruct what happened in areas where there are few if any records at all.
— Peter Dale Scott, 'Deep Politics III'

The story is how Eric Mottram edited Poetry Review for six years and excluded the mainstream, how a radical slate was elected to the Council of the Poetry Society, how opposition polarised and burst out into a public row, how the Arts Council as major funder raised questions about the management of the Society, and how climactically 14 Council members resigned at one meeting in March 1977. New editors took over, and the Underground went underground again. There followed a period of calm and prosperity for the magazine and the Society.

There are several ways of reading this story. One is of a heroic band of brothers to whom destiny had imparted a special charge of bringing about The Future, being absurdly betrayed and snagged by cultural reactionaries, with the consequence that an avid audience was deprived of real poetry forever after. Another is of hopeful and innocent poetry fans baffled by the obscurity and apparent blankness of the poetry on offer, or alienated by the arrogance and narrowness being upheld. These fans were saved by the graceful exit of the culprits and were very happy with the cleaned-up landscape, which was The Future and filled with hundreds of other poets. We don't have to swallow either of these stories.

There was a close-knit clique around King's College, London and the Poetry Centre (the bar and print shop), who were also a small subset of the modern-style poets in the country. Professor Barry was a student of Mottram at King's, edited a magazine (Alembic) which ran on exclusively Mottramite lines, and has close associations with most of that clique.

Eric Homberger describes the English poetry scene since 1974 or so as balkanized — the landscape is split by horizons, beyond which no light, no sound, flows. Where the fear of losing is a fear of being shut out of the future, ordinary poetic chat is replaced by disinformation. Barry is making visible the horizon between the British Poetry Revival (BPR), a wave of poets who from 1960 on rejected English convention, and the conventional or mainstream poets. He presents this as still the major division within English poetry. The rows of 1976-7 were caused by deep artistic disagreements which, therefore, existed before the rows. We are not given reasons to think that the rows altered the landscape. The reasons for the balkanisation of poetry must be sought elsewhere. You may well ask if this boardroom struggle for control of an institution is part of the history of poetry.

My artistic breakthrough was happening just at the time of these events, in 1977. They meant nothing to me. But they turned up the volume on loyalty and loathing. After a painful lag, I realised that some moves within the poem made some people write me off as a 'rebel and loser', while others made other people reject me as 'bourgeois and compromised'. A cultural struggle had invaded the world of signs. Any social ideal is likely to involve a diet — eliminating certain people. Aesthetic experience prefers an ideal state of harmony. Someone who dissents is likely to be expelled. Collusion makes the invisible mightier than the visible, and thrives on exclusion. Most people in the poetry world have a strong sense of where they shouldn't be. If you have that feeling, you should probably do what it says. But if we are trying to explain the scene we have to see the divisions.

Group boundaries may seize stylistic markers, entering the way the poem is written; they become loyalty tests, affecting the way it is read. The poem stops being a functional lump of information and is taken over by gestures towards ideals — of freedom, or orderliness — or towards a group and its ideal group process. So the poem becomes much richer in data — which may be trapped in the pipes of the code. How would you go about reconciliation? video'd decommissioning of ten 60s sound-poets? controlled detonation of Don Paterson?

Relations of the Poetry Society with the Arts Council (actually, one officer) broke down in 1973. Almost four years of insecurity and tension followed, making routine decisions stressful. Resignation was a reasonable way out, although what felt like martyrdom was banal, the everyday lot of the arts worker. "But you don't love me like I love myself!" That's right.

Is it good to cut out these struggles for self-realisation from poetry? No, surely they are what could appeal to a huge audience, dramatising the struggles for autonomy of individuals maturing into a society with no ideological core. In the story on view, the sense of martyrdom seems actually to be a symptom of immaturity. The conflict of styles is the most fascinating thing in poetry.

If it was a war, the weapon of choice was character assassination. Dead light seeps through the horizon and gives rise to poisoned information. Disagreement on basic facts has made discussion of the events fruitless and contentious. The book is presented as based on the documents and reprints 11 pages of them as evidence. The allure of a public debate over a common event is that, for once, the parties may talk about the same thing, rather than sticking to areas chosen to suit their attitudes. Where hostility is fed by fantasy, recovering the truth can bring the small but riven poetry world closer together. The reactions to 20 controversial Mottram-edited issues of the national flagship Poetry Review embodied the whole structure of the field, but nobody recorded those reactions. Poetry Wars in no way gives a glimpse of the whole. Almost all the poetic process is personal, private, invisible, volatile. It is not there in the documents. One has to ask: what documents? whose voice? whose archive? Barry's decision not to do any interviews for information gathering is baffling. However, as a former insider in one faction who no longer shares their opinions on everything, he is a first-rate witness.

Thinking of an ideal poem is close to writing an ideal poem. The gap is small. Consequently, thinking about an ideal poem is benign for all of us. If you have 1,000 poets writing at one time, they can't all write the same poem. Consequently, speculation about new kinds of poem is benign and reduces rivalry.

A chapter analyses the creative ideas of Mottram. Mottram had a genius for persuading people they could live in these ideals without starving to death. Moving in this new territory is terrifying because you are walking on thin air. These were the keys to a new world for poetry and you can live there — the books now exist. The frontier is where the great fortunes are made. You go into the high state to bring something back which can be read back by other people.

The remark (p.2) how Poetry Review had 'declined in the 50s and 60s into a state of settled mediocrity' needs qualifying. I picked up an issue from a stall (61/3) which had lots of visual poetry, including Mallarmé and Ho Chi Minh, a prison poem written in the Bronze Age 'oracle bone' style script. This is before Mottram got there. Surely this is interesting and unconventional? In 1970, Ho was trying to overthrow the West. PR changed with the poetry audience to become more liberal and artistic. Between 1967 and 1977, most branches of art were revolutionised — with or without Mottram.

One of the irritations was that Mottram, a prose writer of genius, got rid of book reviews. This proud rejection of explanation may explain why so few people know anything about modern-style British poetry. Poetry Review had previously been rather good at reviews of new poetry. Is there any link between total group solidarity and writing poetry which is incomprehensible to anyone except the poet's fellow-travellers? And, upholding theories on the basis of illuministic inspiration rather than the collection of evidence or discussion with independent judges?

Although this was a clash of ideals, only the ideas of one side get discussed. Further, the focal area is cut to leave out the artistic goals being pursued by Literature Officer, Charles Osborne — since, as we are told, Osborne has his version of events on record. Thus the winners are not allowed on stage. While limiting himself to a brief account of the artistic side of the BPR, Barry says even less about the mainstream. Has any notable poet emerged from the mainstream in the past 25 (alt. 50) years? His book is not about the clash of ideas.

The taxonomy of the British Poetry Revival offered is not persuasive. Mottram (issue 66/1) said that the 94 British poets published in PR in his editorship, the 32 poets in the 1974 event for which Eric defined the BPR, and the poets reading at the National Poetry Centre 'over the past three or four years' were the core of the British Poetry Revival. This is a human wave. The last issue of Second Aeon, in 1974, lists 400 new Underground publications. So many poets cannot possibly have any shared characteristics. Barry's use of terminology slides into equivocation here; he says 'BPR' but writes as if what he meant was a residual London hard core. In poetry as in a city, points on the periphery are further away from each other than each is from the centre. The new poets diverged but did not converge. Barry sets out to find shared characteristics and unfortunately finds them. The poets selected to highlight are Carlyle Reedy and Robert Sheppard — surely a tactical error. This work will not sway the uncommitted.

There is a moment of insight where Barry pp.164-6 describes the amazing filth and chaos at the Poetry Centre, the preoccupation with being drunk, the disorder, and makes a connection between this and the way the London boys wrote poetry. This surely is a big line of difference between them and the mainstream: the attitude towards neatness, tidiness, verbal smoothness. The Reichian equation between splashing bodily fluids and printer's ink in unaligned type is unambiguous. If you want to revive the scene of 1975, when the Radical Slate was busy making enemies, you have to imagine Nuttall, Pickard, and Barry MacSweeney as the leading lights, and their back-ups being falling down drunk all the time. And regarding any form of good manners as Bourgeois Repression. The Arts Council's version is that their interest in the internal affairs of this major client was aroused by the noise of protest against the policy of the committee, and of Poetry Review, emanating from groups formed specially to make those protests. Hmmm. How badly do you have to offend readers in order to make them form groups to protest against you? Maybe most of the audience like conventional poems?

Barry claims at p.119 and p.187 that the London Group represents radical radicalism while the Cambridge group represents conservative radicalism. I don't believe this, but it does expose one of the games on the field. I think this one-upmanship is mainly linguistic — Cambridge poetry is discursive, not yibble, spatter, and scrawl. (Was that a record by Bill Haley?)

The legend then would be roughly, "this poetry would be very very popular if it hadn't been pushed off stage by networking conservative arts managers." This raises two deep questions. The first is about prejudice, integrity, objectivity, and malice. Was modern-style poetry nobbled by managers for political motives, ignoring artistic merits? This leads on to a broad, if less deep, question: would the advanced style of English poetry have thousands of readers, in fact a broad general readership, if it had been given fair exposure since 1977 in the way that, say, the ICA has exhibited unconventional visual art? I can't answer the second question. The first is slightly more tractable. All commentators are supposed to form and express opinions. Where lifestyle is part of the package, they are obliged to form opinions on lifestyles as well. Rejection of the aura/clothing/perfume of the progressive poet by conservative critics was thus not a breach of the rules. I cannot now imagine how people could respond to a poem without reacting to the person/life/customs portrayed in the poem. You can't claim that Charles Osborne, Ian Hamilton, Anthony Thwaite, C.B. Cox, secretly enjoyed poetry by Jeff Nuttall and Lee Harwood, but pretended not to. Clearly, they didn't enjoy it at all. So why should we accuse them of lacking integrity? But I am happy to accuse them of conservatism. So why were they were employed as managers of new poetry?

Something Barry sheds light on is the alleged unpopularity of Eric's Poetry Review. Actually, it seems that sales did not crash. The disaster of the modern poets was after that — and due to the failure of the talent around Mottram to organise a successor magazine. Annoying large swathes of the poetry audience is not the same as being unpopular. I get picked up in the book for saying that the membership of the Poetry Society crashed during Mottram's editorship. This evidently isn't true. I was told this by someone who was in a good position to know, but the documents don't support it. The paid employees deeply hated the Radical Slate, and that is the source of disinformation. So, mea culpa. I was wrong. The major new fact in the book is the discussion (p.111) of an alternative Poetry Review, to be launched after Eric was kicked out of the original one. It is credible (p.100) that the mass resignation from the Council of the Poetry Society was predicated on a triumphal entry into a new magazine and new situation of authority. There is a big story here of something that didn't happen. This could have been the most important shared publication of the era. Barry is very clear about the series of political mistakes made by the Radical Slate, which will hardly come as news to anybody.

Projective identification naturalises any role and makes the cultural field invisible to those caught inside it. The divergences within the poetry are safely and abidingly linked to divergences within society and its culturally active members. I do not think you can ascribe them to flaws of character, irresponsible dissent, etc. Nor do I think they are mistakes by the system. However, as the earth cools we can look back at events — of the 70s, for example — and at loyalty groups we do not belong to, and reach non-partisan judgements. Behind the barren history of committees we perceive a middle tier of human habits and desires, behind which grand ideas can be dimly detected. This middle tier is filled with people, rather than ideas, and concrete and personal impulses, such as loyalty, envy, attraction. These are not free individual choices but follow the silent rules of which all cultural acts are fulfillments, which are highly structured, which belong to no individual. These rules changed very rapidly in the 1970s and the idea of continuity and legacy from then to now is questionable. The field is bigger than any of the individuals within it, but any moves can be seen as related to the whole field.

There is almost no data in the poetic realm that is not about people. The contents of the field are, essentially, a number of people — maybe 1000 active ones. The flow in the field is images of those people. But two observers can have vitally different images of the same person. This intense investment arises because sharing is necessary, and it makes communication impossible. Prejudice abridges civil rights owned by individuals, and which they may vindicate. There is a question of ethics in how someone exercising an office — including reviewers and editors — has to depolarise and try to glimpse the whole. Poets write poems, almost, to refute what other people assert of them. Sometimes we can hear them as dialogue. The question of fairness is too vital to be given up. This is a very fair book. Clearly, it is wise to test your opinions, to do the research, to be conciliatory. I recently read Anthony Thwaite's poetry, and I thought it was very good. He is a better poet, in my view, than Jeff Nuttall or Bill Griffiths. I wouldn't know this if I hadn't read him. If you take advice from your friends, you should beware of sinking into a clique where everyone has the same ideas all the time. Fairness may mean literally being easy about who you drink with. Leaving your niche to be passive and fair feels like being depersonalised and depressed. It is just not compatible with feeling vivid and directed. reading poetry starts to be a job. But, we have already said this, being fair is important. Between caricature and self love, a third image is possible, a judicious one. It is reached by strain, and endures protest.

It is quite normal to direct one's personal consumption (and what one ignores) on the basis of superficial stylistic criteria, but this quick fix becomes intolerable when applied by critics and editors. What I would condemn is the use of rapid predictors that don't predict — the obedience to prejudice as if it were taste and knowledge. The problem with factional dramas and quarrels over shared space is that they inculcate the use of these rapid predictors, make them fluent and unconscious. Cultural history can only be written by someone who has read the poetry of both sides (or, sides 3 up to 10) and for whom unconscious decisions become conscious.

That staggering belief that "we are the future and we're here now" can provoke astounding over-achievement, breathtaking arrogance, devastating loss of proportion, inhibition of normal artistic impulses, colonialist arrogance towards less privileged poetic groups, outright denial of the evidence, greatness against all odds and records. It may be incompatible with managing a national society with a broad range, by age and artistic inclination, of members. Into which the Arts Council can pour money.

We may well think that the stimulus of rejection is what brings about the wonderful energies of self-consciousness and exploration inside great modern poetry. One of the silent rules seems to be that great poets cannot be popular. Another seems to be that great editors end up not having anything to edit. Nobody would claim that the future Eric foresaw was interchangeable with the future, as it actually happened. Over the years, each side can claim to have a legacy in the poetry of 1977-2005. The old English society died, and to escape the big chill poets apparently had to choose one of 3 (or 5, or 9?) paths, and move out of sight of poets on other orbits. The loss of communications brought about the utterly fragmented poetic landscape which we now see around us. And leaders claim to own those paths. Whose future is the one we have? This is vital, because most of the readers of the 70s, and most of the excelling poets, could be claimed by both sides. If Cobbing could own everything radical, the opera fan Charles Osborne could own everything lucid, melodic and lyric. Poetry has thrived in the atmosphere, freer and richer in ideas after the changes of 1967-77, while the Mottram group has been almost invisible. Maybe the 1977 fuss had no influence on the way poetry has been written over the 25 years? has no explanatory value at all?


Copyright © Andrew Duncan, 2006.